Article

Inclusive Power? Institutional “Double Alienation” in China-ASEAN Digital Governance and the Dilemma of ASEAN Centrality

By: Rui Fu*
Hubei Academy of Social Sciences, Wuhan, China.
*Corresponding author
Received: 2025-12-10Revised: 2026-06-01Accepted: 2026-06-16Published: 2026-10-10
J. Int. Eco. Glo. Gov. 2026, 3(3), 4-23; https://doi.org/10.58244/jiegg.253449
Abstract
This article develops a framework of institutional double alienation to examine how great-power strategic competition in the age of artificial intelligence reshapes the functions of regional institutions. Taking China-ASEAN digital governance as the empirical field, it argues that great powers may transform regional institutions through a strategy of systemic embedding rather than through direct institutional confrontation. Two mechanisms are identified. First, cooperation networks that are designed to facilitate collective action may be alienated into structural barriers that separate technological alliances by raising the costs of alternative integration. Second, governance discourse that is expected to generate normative consensus may be alienated into a field of competing rules that deepens internal cognitive and regulatory fragmentation. In the China-ASEAN case, China’s engagement with ASEAN-led mechanisms lowers the political and institutional transaction costs of cooperation with China, while its parallel initiatives, infrastructure supply, and standards-oriented practices generate deeper forms of rule dependence and strategic uncertainty for ASEAN members. The result is a paradox of inclusion: ASEAN is formally recognized and institutionally engaged, yet its capacity to act as an autonomous institutional center is weakened. The article contributes to debates on global AI governance, regime complexity, digital trade rules, network power, and ASEAN centrality by showing how seemingly inclusive institutional arrangements can produce non-neutral political effects in high-technology governance. It also advances a critical extension of neoliberal institutionalism by demonstrating that institutions in digital governance are not merely platforms for cooperation, but political carriers through which actors compete for meta-governance authority and the future design of regional order.
Keywords: Artificial intelligence; Double alienation; Institutional competition; Global governance; Digital governance; ASEAN centrality

Full Text

Download the full text PDF for viewing and using it according to the license of this paper.

Funding

This research received no external funding.

References

  1. Alter, K. J., and Meunier, S. (2009). The politics of international regime complexity. Perspectives on Politics, 7(1), 13-24. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537592709090033
  2. ASEAN Secretariat. (2008). The ASEAN Charter. ASEAN Secretariat.
  3. ASEAN Secretariat. (2024). ASEAN Guide on AI Governance and Ethics. ASEAN Secretariat.
  4. Burri, M., Vásquez Callo-Müller, M., and Kugler, K. (2024). The evolution of digital trade law: Insights from TAPED. World Trade Review, 23(2), 190-207. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1474745623000472
  5. Caballero-Anthony, M. (2014). Understanding ASEAN’s centrality: Bases and prospects in an evolving regional architecture. The Pacific Review, 27(4), 563-584. https://doi.org/10.1080/09512748.2014.924227
  6. Cai, C., and Zhang, L. (2025). A comparative study of regional cooperation in artificial intelligence: The case of ASEAN, the European Union, and the Gulf Cooperation Council. Journal of Tongji University (Social Science Edition), 36(4), 23-36. (in Chinese).
  7. Ding, D. (2024). The formation and impact of the value-prioritized security narrative in US artificial intelligence policy. Journal of International Relations, (6), 91-111, 156. (in Chinese).
  8. European Parliament and Council of the European Union. (2024). Regulation (EU) 2024/1689 laying down harmonised rules on artificial intelligence (Artificial Intelligence Act). Official Journal of the European Union, L 2024/1689.
  9. Farrell, H., and Newman, A. L. (2019). Weaponized interdependence: How global economic networks shape state coercion. International Security, 44(1), 42-79. https://doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00351
  10. Gong, Y. (2025). EU regulatory power and the Brussels effect in global AI governance. Information Security and Communications Privacy, (11), 26-39. (in Chinese).
  11. Jones, E., Kira, B., and Tavengerwei, R. (2024). Norm entrepreneurship in digital trade: The Singapore-led wave of digital trade agreements. World Trade Review, 23(2), 208-241. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1474745624000089
  12. Meltzer, J. P. (2019). Governing digital trade. World Trade Review, 18(S1), S23-S48. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1474745618000502
  13. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China. (2023). Global AI Governance Initiative. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China.
  14. Morse, J. C., and Keohane, R. O. (2014). Contested multilateralism. The Review of International Organizations, 9(4), 385-412. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11558-014-9188-2
  15. Mueller, L. M. (2021). Challenges to ASEAN centrality and hedging in connectivity governance: Regional and national pressure points. The Pacific Review, 34(5), 747-777. https://doi.org/10.1080/09512748.2020.1757741
  16. Bureau of Industry and Security, Department of Commerce. (2025). Framework for artificial intelligence diffusion. Federal Register, 90, 4544-4584.
  17. Qiao-Franco, G., Karmazin, A., and Kolmaš, M. (2025). The Indo-Pacific and the next phase of ASEAN centrality. Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs, 44(3), 413-435. https://doi.org/10.1177/18681034241307658
  18. Raustiala, K., and Victor, D. G. (2004). The regime complex for plant genetic resources. International Organization, 58(2), 277-309. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020818304582036
  19. Roberts, H., Hine, E., Taddeo, M., and Floridi, L. (2024). Global AI governance: Barriers and pathways forward. International Affairs, 100(3), 1275-1286. https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiae073
  20. Schwab, K. (2016). The Fourth Industrial Revolution. World Economic Forum.
  21. Sun, C., and Zhang, D. (2024). The motivations, paths, and impacts of US efforts to build artificial intelligence alliances. Contemporary American Review, 8(1), 90-109, 131. (in Chinese).
  22. Tallberg, J., Erman, E., Furendal, M., Geith, J., Klamberg, M., and Lundgren, M. (2023). The global governance of artificial intelligence: Next steps for empirical and normative research. International Studies Review, 25(3), Article viad040. https://doi.org/10.1093/isr/viad040
  23. Tan, S. S. (2017). Rethinking “ASEAN centrality” in the regional governance of East Asia. The Singapore Economic Review, 62(3), 721-740. https://doi.org/10.1142/S0217590818400076
  24. The White House. (2017). National Security Strategy of the United States of America. The White House.
  25. Wang, C., and Liu, X. (2024). The development of Singapore’s balancing diplomacy against the background of US-China competition. Indian Ocean Economic and Political Review, (3), 45-69, 153. (in Chinese).
  26. Weymouth, S. (2025). Digital disintegration: Techno-blocs and strategic sovereignty in the AI era. International Organization, 79(S1), S57-S70. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020818325101070
  27. Zhang, Y. (2018). Vietnam Cybersecurity Law. Southeast Asian Studies, (3), 63-80. (in Chinese).
CC BY 4.0
© 2026 by author(s). Licensee MOSP, Macao, China. This is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0) license.
Disclaimer: The statements, opinions and data contained in this journal are solely those of the individual authors and contributors and not of Macao Scientific Publishers and/or the editors. Macao Scientific Publishers and/or the editors disclaim responsibility for any injury to persons or property resulting from any ideas, methods, instructions or products referred to in the content.
Cite

Reference format:

Rui Fu. Inclusive Power? Institutional “Double Alienation” in China-ASEAN Digital Governance and the Dilemma of ASEAN Centrality[J]. J. Int. Eco. Glo. Gov., 2026, 3(3): 4-23.
Share

Copy the link below to share this article:

Contact Us

Contact us via:

Email
Telephone
+00853-62961666(Available during working hours)
Supplementary
Submit Your Manuscript Now